WarStrike 84: Studying and Applying Carl Schmitt
Insights from WarStrike Episode 84
Note: These thirty-five (35) theses represent information shared by Warren Balogh and Joseph Jordan (Striker) in WarStrike Episode 84. The points have been consolidated and listed below with specific references to the original content. My intent is to enable more engagement with the ideas raised by these men.
Thesis 1: Intensive reading and study are vital for intellectual and political maturity.
[00:01:08, 00:01:33] Warren stresses that reading books enhances the mind beyond physicality and ties deep study of works like Schmitt’s The Concept of the Political to the “political soldier,” a figure requiring education for intellectual and political growth.
[00:04:42, 00:06:51] Warren’s endorsement of sponsors like Armreg.co.uk and clemonsandblair.com reflects his view that engaging with foundational texts is crucial for intellectual development.
Thesis 2: Carl Schmitt’s realist political philosophy centers on the friend-enemy distinction and the sovereign’s exceptional authority, starkly opposing liberalism’s utopian ideals.
[00:03:53] Striker positions Schmitt’s realism as key to geopolitics, contrasting it with liberalism’s “humanity” rhetoric, which he deems devious.
[00:10:21] Warren links Schmitt’s critique of liberalism to its use of justice and freedom as masks for political goals, aligning with the friend-enemy distinction.
[00:16:10] Striker underscores Schmitt’s view of politics as racial and identity-driven, with the friend-enemy dynamic as its core, clashing with liberalism’s universalism.
[00:19:52] Warren cites Schmitt’s insistence that the friend-enemy distinction is inescapable, challenging liberalism’s dream of a depoliticized, universally friendly world.
[00:40:36] Warren highlights Schmitt’s sovereign authority through Hitler’s “supreme judge” claim during the Night of the Long Knives, embodying the decisive exception.
[01:02:43] Striker explains Schmitt’s separation of political (hostis) and private (inimicus) enemies, reinforcing the friend-enemy distinction against liberalism’s moral lens.
[01:47:04] Warren notes Schmitt’s view that the state, as a political entity, wields the power to declare enemies and wage war, rooted in the friend-enemy divide, not liberalism’s depoliticized ideals.
[01:50:06] Striker describes Schmitt’s sovereign as the decider of exceptions, such as the U.S. labeling nationalists as terrorists, defying liberalism’s utopian narrative.
[02:29:56] Warren presents Schmitt’s friend-enemy distinction as the essence of political existence, rejecting liberalism’s denial of such divides.
[02:27:01] Striker defines Schmitt’s sovereign as the entity overriding democratic will, like judicial exceptions, exposing liberalism’s idealistic facade.
[03:18:36] Warren frames Schmitt’s friend-enemy distinction as politics’ core, contrasting with liberalism’s focus on individual economics.
[03:08:24] Striker portrays Schmitt’s sovereign as controlling exceptions, such as Jews blocking White politicization, against liberalism’s utopian denial.
[04:03:50] Warren suggests Trump’s erratic tariffs reflect Schmitt’s friend-enemy logic, unlike liberalism’s stable, utopian promises.
[05:02:11] Striker frames the Jewish sovereign’s authority over dissent as Schmittian, piercing liberalism’s idealistic veil.
Thesis 3: Schmitt’s political realism builds on a pragmatic power analysis tradition, shaped by historical and personal influences.
[00:09:18, 00:10:21] Warren connects Schmitt’s realism to Machiavelli’s practical power insights, driven by Italy’s historical vulnerability and disunity, which Schmitt defended as a realist response.
[00:11:33] Striker ties Schmitt to Fichte, Machiavelli, and Hobbes, tracing a realist lineage influenced by historical needs to counter ideological foes.
[00:33:37] Warren aligns Schmitt’s realism with Clausewitz, pointing to a German tradition of pragmatic power analysis.
[00:55:52] Striker links Schmitt’s ideas to Fichte and Hobbes, highlighting a realism shaped by historical contexts of sovereignty and protection.
Thesis 4: Schmitt’s ideas echo in today’s geopolitics and intellectual debates, offering a framework to examine racial politics and global power struggles despite efforts to conceal sovereignty.
[00:22:11] Warren applies Schmitt’s concepts to modern issues like Jews, Whites, Trump, NATO, and Russia, highlighting their relevance to geopolitics and racial dynamics.
[01:08:23, 01:10:33] Striker ties Schmitt’s influence to China and Russia’s geopolitical strategies, proving his ongoing impact on global power structures.
[01:39:45] Warren links Schmitt’s ideas to the state’s response to nationalists, showing their utility in analyzing racial and power tensions.
[01:53:29] Striker connects Schmitt’s framework to U.S. policies labeling dissidents as terrorists, reflecting current geopolitical and racial politics.
[02:16:48] Striker points to China and Russia’s challenge to Western liberalism as evidence of Schmitt’s contemporary relevance in geopolitics.
[02:30:47] Warren uses Schmitt’s lens to explore modern racial politics, such as White politicization and judicial biases, underscoring power dynamics.
[03:27:06] Warren ties Schmitt’s ideas to economic sanctions and White depoliticization, revealing their role in racial and global power analysis.
[03:11:32, 03:30:08] Striker applies Schmitt’s concepts to urban political shifts and Chinese strategies, mirroring today’s geopolitical landscape.
[04:47:24] Striker connects Schmitt’s ideas to Russia’s Ukraine success and U.S. shifts toward Iran, dissecting global power dynamics.
[05:02:11, 04:12:59] Warren uses Schmitt’s perspective to examine ADL influence and White economic struggles under Trump, illuminating racial politics.
Thesis 5: Schmitt contends that liberalism’s depoliticization erodes political agency, exposing weaker groups to domination by those who wield the friend-enemy dynamic.
[00:16:10] Striker argues liberalism strips Whites of political agency by rejecting racial struggle, contrasting this with groups like the ADL and NAACP that leverage identity, leaving Whites open to domination.
[00:19:52] Warren quotes Schmitt on how abandoning politics invites a protector to take the friend-enemy role, making weaker groups like U.S. Whites vulnerable.
[00:38:49] Striker notes liberalism denies White political agency while Jews exercise it, aligning with Schmitt’s view of depoliticization’s risks.
[02:00:12] Striker describes liberalism’s depoliticization as blocking Whites from political action, exposing them to systems favoring others’ friend-enemy dynamics.
[02:08:53] Warren contrasts liberalism’s depoliticizing push with democracy’s politicization, weakening groups unable to assert collective identity.
[03:01:54, 03:03:14] Striker and Warren argue liberalism prevents Whites from forming a political entity in the West, leaving them defenseless against those embracing the friend-enemy divide.
[03:08:24] Striker claims liberalism’s depoliticization weakens Whites under a Jewish sovereign who masters the friend-enemy dynamic.
[03:13:19] Warren points to the decline of White institutions like unions and churches under liberalism, echoing Schmitt’s critique of lost agency.
[04:23:48] Warren suggests liberalism’s depoliticization leaves Whites exposed, evident in economic cuts and lack of unified sacrifice.
[04:19:59] Striker highlights Whites’ inability to politicize against a Jewish sovereign, reinforcing Schmitt’s view of diminished agency.
Thesis 6: Carl Schmitt’s deep ties to National Socialism reflect his steadfast commitment to its principles.
[00:15:01] Warren notes Schmitt’s postwar refusal of de-Nazification and loss of academic roles, signaling his unwavering loyalty to Nazi ideals.
[00:16:10, 00:46:05] Striker emphasizes Schmitt’s active role in de-Judaizing German law and book burnings, rejecting opportunism claims to affirm his deep allegiance to National Socialism’s critique of liberalism.
[00:23:43] Warren contrasts Schmitt’s sincere Nazi commitment with Heidegger’s, rooted in his consistent ideology.
[01:49:11] Warren ties Schmitt’s focus on internal enemies to his Nazi-era actions against threats like Jewish influence.
[02:12:32] Striker references Schmitt’s Nuremberg interrogation by Kemp, where his unrepentant Nazi stance faced his own theories in action.
Thesis 7: The Third Reich exemplified a pragmatic, realist approach to race and governance, grounded in a social contract that rejects liberalism and champions ethnonationalism in a post-liberal world.
[00:03:27] Warren cites Black Nazis to illustrate the Third Reich’s practical stance on race, distinct from liberal universalism.
[00:03:53] Striker connects this realism to Schmitt’s influence, viewing Third Reich policies as a direct application of his anti-liberal framework.
[02:06:15, 02:06:36] Striker and Warren highlight Degrelle’s depiction of the Third Reich as a total state and super democracy, with Hitler dissolving undemocratic forms to unite people, reflecting a realist, ethnonationalist social contract.
Thesis 8: National Socialist efforts to curb Jewish intellectual dominance highlight it as an enduring challenge, paralleled in modern settings where such influence persists yet resists confrontation.
[00:46:05, 00:50:56] Striker cites Schmitt’s push to purge Jewish dominance from German legal literature, framing it as a lasting issue reflected in modern America.
[00:50:38] Warren notes the high number of Jewish lawyers in 1933 Berlin, reinforcing Schmitt’s view of Jewish influence as a critical concern.
[03:20:16] Striker quotes Schmitt on Jews drawing Gentiles into their plans, linking Nazi efforts to a challenge still evident today.
[04:51:48] Striker points to Jewish sway via the ADL and debanking, echoing Nazi struggles with a persistent modern hurdle.
[05:02:11] Warren cites Greenblatt’s claims of Jewish power, mirroring historical attempts to tackle intellectual control.
Thesis 9: Liberalism’s promises of universal humanity and peace deceive, concealing dark motives and fostering extreme inhumanity.
[00:03:53, 00:11:42] Striker labels liberalism’s “humanity” rhetoric devious, tying it to acts like baby-killing and firebombing, which realists must expose as hypocritical nonsense.
[00:10:21] Warren references Schmitt’s view that liberalism uses justice and freedom to cloak political aims, hinting at sinister undertones.
[00:32:29, 00:32:58] Warren and Striker quote Schmitt on liberalism’s “humanity” monopoly enabling atrocities like Gaza and WWII, revealing its deceptive nature.
[02:05:28, 02:09:47] Warren and Striker argue liberalism’s depoliticization and hyper-politicized mask hide plutocratic inhumanity, contrasting with Schmitt’s politicized state vision.
[02:16:11, 02:16:48] Warren and Striker critique liberalism’s justice and human rights claims as oppressive facades, enabling Gaza-like cruelties while preaching peace, per Schmitt.
[03:31:50, 03:32:05] Warren and Striker expose liberalism’s pacifist language masking economic warfare—like sanctions killing children—and modern starvation tactics, unveiling sinister intent.
[04:42:40, 04:12:59, 04:47:24] Warren and Striker highlight liberalism’s peaceful front in Ukraine and economic cuts concealing inhumane outcomes like job losses and war prep, echoing Schmitt’s view of hidden cruelty.
Thesis 10: Liberalism weakens true democracy by blocking the majority’s political agency and falsely dismissing race as irrelevant, preserving power imbalances.
[00:16:10] Striker argues liberalism denies Whites racial politics while permitting it for others, contradicting majority rule and thus democracy’s core.
[00:19:52] Warren ties Schmitt’s critique of liberalism’s depoliticization to Whites’ lack of agency in America, undercutting majority rule.
[01:01:51] Striker critiques libertarianism as a right-wing echo of liberalism’s denial of politics, upholding the false claim that race doesn’t matter to sustain power gaps.
[02:08:53, 02:09:47] Warren and Striker contrast liberalism’s depoliticizing stance with democracy’s call for politicization, arguing it sidelines the majority—Whites—for plutocratic control.
[02:27:01, 02:30:47] Striker and Warren note liberalism’s redefinition of identity (e.g., in Weimar) and judicial hurdles for Whites claiming discrimination, showing how it stifles majority agency, per Schmitt.
[03:15:10, 03:37:01] Striker and Warren highlight liberalism’s destruction of White identity tools like unions and Trump’s rejection of White legitimacy, undermining democracy as Schmitt foresaw.
[04:13:58, 04:23:48] Striker and Warren point to liberalism’s cuts to essential workers and Trump’s economic policies as further denying White agency, maintaining imbalances.
Thesis 11: Liberalism’s depoliticization hides the true sovereign while exposing a realist power dynamic beneath its idealistic rhetoric, clashing with human rights norms.
[00:16:10] Striker suggests liberalism’s denial of racial politics for Whites conceals a sovereign dynamic favoring other groups, belying its human rights claims.
[00:10:21] Warren cites Schmitt’s view that liberalism wields justice and freedom to sideline enemies, veiling the real sovereign power.
[00:38:49] Striker argues liberalism masks a Jewish sovereign in the U.S., revealing a realist dynamic—evident in Gaza—that defies human rights norms.
[00:43:35] Warren points to the Bush administration’s liberty suspensions as a Schmittian exception cloaked in liberal rhetoric.
[01:50:06, 01:51:08] Striker and Warren note liberalism obscures sovereigns (Jews, plutocrats) targeting nationalists as enemies, contradicting human rights ideals, per Schmitt’s critique.
[02:27:01, 03:06:31] Striker and Warren identify an opaque sovereign—beyond the president, like the Supreme Court’s monarchic sway—showing a realist power beneath liberal facades.
[03:08:24, 03:27:06] Striker and Warren see Jews as a hidden sovereign and economic imperialism’s “peaceful” coercion as contradicting liberal norms, aligning with Schmitt’s insights.
[04:51:48, 04:14:22, 05:02:11] Striker and Warren highlight a Jewish sovereign via ADL and debanking, and Trump’s administration masking power (e.g., Musk, ADL), clashing with human rights rhetoric.
Thesis 12: In the modern West, liberal systems strip Whites of political agency, unlike other groups with racial identity, signaling a power shift to a protector.
[00:16:10, 00:38:49] Striker contends Jews block Whites from racial politics in America while retaining their own identity, enforcing a liberal power imbalance with Jews as sovereign protectors.
[00:19:52] Warren applies Schmitt’s protector concept to Whites in the U.S., denied agency under liberalism compared to other groups.
[01:45:49, 02:00:12] Warren and Striker argue the U.S. system’s criminalization of nationalists and liberalism’s denial of White identity reflect a loss to a ruling elite protector.
[03:01:54, 03:03:14] Striker and Warren assert Whites in the NATO sphere lack political entity status, unlike others, due to liberalism’s design and a hidden sovereign’s control.
[03:08:24, 03:13:19] Striker and Warren describe Whites’ lack of agency under a Jewish sovereign and liberalism’s depoliticized state, masking a protector denying collective power.
[04:12:59, 05:02:11] Warren and Striker suggest economic cuts hitting Whites and Jewish identity via ADL influence highlight a power loss to a liberal protector.
Thesis 13: As Whites near minority status in the West, legal battles meet rising politicization, yet this energy sidesteps confronting real power structures.
[02:32:38] Warren suggests Whites’ shrinking numbers spark politicization, but judicial compromises divert it from challenging true power.
[02:33:40] Striker sees Trump’s rise as White politicization amid declining numbers, yet it fails to target the actual sovereign.
Thesis 14: White radicalization surges amid stifled nationalism and a moral code denying racial motives, displacing White majorities and leaving grassroots efforts exposed.
[01:38:11] Warren describes White nationalists facing jail and state crackdowns, showing radicalization from suppressed identity and fragile grassroots movements.
[01:53:29] Striker notes the state’s harsh stance on nationalists, hinting at growing radicalization as racial motives are dismissed.
[02:35:07] Warren links White radicalization to events like Southport, where blocked nationalism and denied racial drivers stir unrest.
[02:44:45] Striker views MAGA politicization as a radical turn, yet vulnerable without tackling the sovereign.
Thesis 15: Political realism frames power dynamics as shaped by historical weaknesses, portraying them as defensive rather than rooted in malice or imperialism.
[00:10:21] Warren casts Machiavelli’s realism as a defensive answer to Italy’s disunity, a stance Schmitt supports.
[00:11:42] Striker frames realism as a counter to liberalism’s sham humanitarianism, addressing power necessities without malice.
[00:40:36, 01:49:11] Warren presents Schmitt’s realism as defensively articulating power—e.g., Hitler’s emergency moves and state order needs—not imperial aggression.
[01:08:23, 01:35:33] Striker depicts Chinese sovereignty and Third Reich actions as defensive responses to historical vulnerabilities, per Schmitt’s realist lens.
[02:14:51, 02:15:43] Warren and Striker frame Hitler’s Mein Kampf observations and famine critiques as defensive realism, not imperialism, reflecting historical pressures.
[03:23:48, 03:25:12] Warren and Striker portray Hitler’s Lebensraum and Axis strategies as defensive reactions to weakness, aligning with Schmitt’s power analysis.
Thesis 16: Political realists value objective truth as a Western asset, unlike approaches that wield truth tactically in the friend-enemy divide, obscuring worldly workings.
[02:13:15] Warren praises Schmitt’s embrace of objective truth as a Western strength, contrasting with liberalism’s tactical use.
[02:17:57] Striker contrasts realists’ clear-eyed power view with liberalism’s murky sovereign, lacking transparency on mechanics.
Thesis 17: China’s geopolitical rise hinges on Schmitt’s principles, seeing sovereignty as collective defense and framing authoritarianism as freedom from outside threats.
[01:08:23, 01:09:45] Striker and Warren explain China’s use of Schmittian sovereignty as protection since the 1990s, fueling success under Xi Jinping.
[02:16:48, 02:58:25] Striker and Warren note China’s revisionist challenge to liberal hypocrisy and study of Schmitt, boosting geopolitical gains.
[03:30:08, 03:34:18] Warren and Striker highlight China’s Schmitt-guided counter to economic imperialism and anticipation of sanctions, outmaneuvering the West.
Thesis 18: Russia uses a Schmittian critique of liberalism to expose Western flaws, fray global alliances, and embolden revisionist powers.
[01:10:33, 01:11:03] Warren and Striker tie Putin’s Eurasianism and Dugin’s Schmittian ideas to Russia’s nationalist critique of Western liberalism, weakening its alliances.
[02:16:48, 02:58:25] Striker and Warren emphasize Russia’s exposure of liberal contradictions via Schmitt, strengthening revisionist momentum.
[04:45:19, 04:47:24] Warren and Striker frame Russia’s poker-faced realism and Ukraine strategy as Schmittian, undermining Western ties and boosting revisionists.
Thesis 19: Trump’s realism mirrors Schmitt by spurning liberal facades and tapping White identity, but misreads foes as Jewish sovereignty clouds the true friend-enemy line.
[00:37:17, 00:38:49] Warren and Striker cast Trump’s Schmittian realism as rejecting liberal pretenses and appealing to Whites, yet Jewish sovereignty muddies his enemy focus.
[02:54:59, 02:57:40] Warren and Striker note Trump backers like Thiel use Schmitt to ditch liberal norms, but Jewish influence skews the friend-enemy distinction.
[03:35:53, 03:37:01] Striker and Warren see Trump’s rhetoric outpacing results and political denial of Whites as Schmittian yet obscured by Jewish sway.
[04:20:12, 04:42:31] Striker and Warren depict Trump’s realism rejecting liberal lies and leveraging White identity, misidentifying foes like Zelenskyy and Iran under Jewish influence.
Thesis 20: Nationalism in Western liberal systems demands a revolutionary, National Socialist stance to topple the sovereign, as mainstream paths lack traction.
[01:11:03, 01:17:23] Striker and Warren assert nationalism needs a radical, National Socialist edge over liberalism, rejecting compromise with liberal powers as Schmitt would.
[01:30:24, 01:42:18] Warren and Striker argue conventional optics (e.g., BNP’s failure) falter without revolutionary roots to challenge liberalism’s sovereign.
[02:46:15, 02:59:40] Warren and Striker suggest Schmitt’s ideas push Whites toward national socialism, requiring a bold stance like the Nazis’ to confront power.
[03:09:14, 03:11:32] Warren and Striker critique optics and urban retreat, urging a revolutionary approach akin to National Socialism to contest sovereignty.
Thesis 21: In Western liberal democracies, the state cracks down hard on nationalist movements, branding them terrorists and sidelining constitutional rights.
[01:51:08, 01:55:14] Warren describes the state treating nationalists as terrorists and suspending rights, evident post-Charlottesville and with NJP.
[01:37:32] Striker notes intense state repression, with nationalists like Golden Dawn and NJP facing imprisonment.
Thesis 22: The state uses infiltration and assassination to crush nationalist threats, ensuring their collapse despite efforts to adapt.
[01:44:02, 01:55:14] Striker suggests Rockwell’s assassination and NJP infiltration were state moves to thwart nationalists.
[01:44:44] Warren links Church Committee revelations, like Malcolm X’s killing, to state tactics against nationalist challenges.
Thesis 23: Liberalism cloaks economic imperialism as peaceful, but its forceful tactics spark conflict and unravel contradictions with human rights claims, echoing critiques of depoliticization.
[02:10:52] Striker frames liberalism’s economic imperialism as covert coercion, fueling conflict and exposing human rights hypocrisy.
[02:16:11] Warren argues liberalism’s Enlightenment ideals mask plutocratic rule, aligning with Schmitt’s depoliticization critique.
[03:27:06, 03:32:05] Warren quotes Schmitt on economic imperialism’s “peaceful” destruction, and Striker contrasts sanctions’ brutality with medieval wars, both revealing liberal contradictions.
[04:49:38, 04:47:24] Warren and Striker critique liberalism’s imperialism via BlackRock’s Panama deal and Ukraine’s coercive flop, clashing with human rights rhetoric.
Thesis 24: Trump’s economic leadership hints at an oligarchic turn and recession danger, letting down supporters and rattling the economy, even as daily life trudges on.
[03:58:22, 04:08:41] Striker predicts Trump’s privatization marks an oligarchic shift, risking recession and disappointing his base with job losses.
[03:59:32] Warren notes Trump’s economic boom fading, destabilizing things amid job cuts.
[04:12:59, 04:49:38] Warren highlights an oligarchic slide with Musk’s cuts and BlackRock’s moves, threatening economic chaos.
Thesis 25: Trump’s administration can’t rally society for economic sacrifice, worsening crises and sapping morale.
[04:23:48] Warren contrasts Trump’s flashy governance with Nazi rationing, failing to unite people for sacrifice.
[04:27:21] Striker sees hoarding and cuts undercutting morale, unlike unified wartime efforts.
Thesis 26: Trump’s economic pledges stumble, pointing to an looming recession and straining voter patience.
[03:59:32, 04:21:12] Warren cites job cuts, sinking approval, and rising costs as signs Trump’s economic promises are crumbling, hinting at recession.
[03:59:41, 04:37:50] Striker points to the Federal Reserve’s dire forecast and empty Vegas streets, suggesting Trump’s cuts speed an imminent downturn.
Thesis 27: Erratic leadership dents the Trump administration’s credibility, magnifying bad optics and pushing away key groups.
[04:01:53, 04:04:37] Warren likens Trump to Baghdad Bob, noting erratic tariff flip-flops and Musk’s antics erode trust as results lag.
[03:59:41, 04:14:22] Striker flags abrupt spending cuts and Musk’s ketamine-fueled cuts as poor optics, alienating supporters.
Thesis 28: Trump’s rule favors loyalty over skill, burning political capital and undermining trust amid policy flops.
[04:39:54] Striker mocks Trump’s picks like Bongino and Patel, highlighting incompetence that wastes capital.
[04:12:59] Warren slams Musk’s erratic leadership over competence, eroding confidence in a chaotic policy mess.
Thesis 29: Trump’s team leverages foreign policy and homefront measures to gear up for conflict, signaling a societal shift.
[04:51:48] Warren ties debanking and protest bans to preparations for war with Iran or Gaza, marking a pivot.
[04:59:29] Striker sees Trump’s Iran threats and Ukraine pullback as foreign policy moves toward conflict.
Thesis 30: Nationalist movements falter when they soften their core principles or chase approval from powerful players.
[01:17:23, 01:28:30] Warren slams nationalists, like Keith, for compromising with oligarchs or liberal powers, diluting their stance against Schmitt’s call for political clarity.
[01:19:45, 01:36:25] Striker warns that ditching revolutionary roots—like National Socialism—or radical ideas for optics weakens nationalism, citing past flops in liberal systems.
[02:19:24, 03:09:14] Striker and Warren critique Keith Woods and “good optics” figures like Stoner for cozying up to liberal voices, undermining nationalism by prioritizing palatability.
[02:54:59, 03:08:24] Warren and Striker see Trump’s omission of Whites and aid to the sovereign as compromises that sap nationalist potential, per Schmitt.
[04:19:59, 04:23:48] Striker and Warren argue Trump’s alignment with Jewish interests and billionaires waters down White nationalism for broader appeal.
Thesis 31: National Socialism’s past triumphs show nationalist strength demands radical roots and sacrifice, not mainstream charm.
[01:11:03, 01:35:33] Striker ties National Socialism’s success to its radical edge and sacrifice, not mass appeal, offering a model for nationalists per Schmitt’s logic.
[01:21:20, 01:30:24] Warren contrasts modern nationalists’ coziness with liberal powers and BNP’s collapse after purging radicals with its earlier grit, stressing radical commitment.
Thesis 32: European nationalists drift from revolutionary traditions by courting liberal powers or embracing universalism.
[01:19:45] Striker critiques European nationalists for excusing universalism or seeking U.S. oligarch nods, abandoning revolutionary roots.
[01:21:20] Warren mocks Dutch nationalists writing in English for American backing, ditching their radical legacy.
[01:26:19, 01:28:13] Warren and Striker slam Irish nationalists and Keith’s group for signaling to Anglo-American powers or importing reactionary ideas, straying from Ireland’s radical past.
Thesis 33: The Anglosphere’s scarcity of right-wing academic thinkers limits conservatism to a power-shy stance, tied to a disdain for humanities.
[00:06:29, 00:07:26] Striker notes America’s lack of works on the Jewish question and focus on Rosenberg over Schmitt and Heidegger, signaling a thin right-wing academic vein.
[00:33:43, 02:19:24] Striker highlights the Anglosphere’s rare academics like Academic Agent, tying its weak intellectualism to libertarianism’s denial of power.
[00:46:05, 03:50:51] Warren contrasts German intellectual depth with U.S. disdain for liberal arts, marking an Anglosphere humanities gap.
[02:58:25, 03:49:03] Warren and Striker lament Whites’ neglect of Schmitt—unlike other powers—and link White Americans’ humanities aversion to an intellectual shortfall.
Thesis 34: Shallow takes on Schmitt highlight the need to simplify his liberalism critiques for everyday grasp while resisting liberal pushback against serious politics.
[00:40:36, 00:58:01] Warren praises Schmitt’s cool objectivity, and Striker calls for practical use in America, both urging a deeper reach beyond surface engagement.
[02:53:12, 03:01:00] Striker and Warren aim to distill Schmitt’s ideas for daily life and a wider audience, countering shallow takes and liberal resistance.
[03:48:10, 03:49:03] Warren and Striker see their task as deepening Schmitt’s study and breaking ground, making his critiques clear against liberal opposition.
Thesis 35: Studying foundational thinkers is key to honing political tactics and dodging errors as historical stigma wanes.
[00:07:26, 00:08:13, 00:09:18] Striker and Warren push exploring Schmitt, Heidegger, and Machiavelli, believing deep study boosts political savvy beyond past stigma.
[01:34:59, 01:39:45] Striker advocates learning from the Nazis’ Weimar takedown, and Warren from NS groups, to refine strategies and avoid missteps.
[02:48:30, 03:48:10] Warren reflects on lifelong Schmitt study to sharpen insight as Nazi stigma fades.
[03:01:00, 03:49:03] Striker stresses mastering thinkers like Schmitt to train a vanguard, sidestepping theoretical pitfalls.