Adolf Bartels: National Socialism, Germany's Salvation - Part 2
Original Translation of "Der Nationalsozialismus: Deutschlands Rettung"
Source Documents: German Scan | German Corrected
Part 2:
The German Government's Peculiar Proclamation.
Exposing the Proclamation's Falsehood.
Identifying the Variations of Jewish Power in the Parties.
It is deeply telling that even a Viennese newspaper—notably not a National Socialist mouthpiece—traces the root of Germany’s anguish to parliamentarism. In doing so, it frames the anti-parliamentary movement—embodied most potently in German National Socialism—as justified in its critique.
In contrast to the Viennese newspaper let us reprint The Proclamation of the Reich Government to the German People Regarding the New Elections (21 October):
“Once again, after only a short interval, the German people are called upon to elect a new Reichstag. In the previous assembly, the government lacked a stable, functional majority. Numerous earnest efforts to forge such a coalition floundered—chiefly because the aftershocks of the economic collapse had excessively empowered radical factions in the May 4th elections, thereby crippling constructive collaboration among other parties.
The nation’s welfare demands this deficiency be corrected through fresh elections. Now that the London Agreement has been accepted and its implementation already in motion, the government’s policy—forged through grave sacrifices yet marked by visible success—must be steadfastly upheld and shielded for posterity. Let it be clear: economic reconstruction hinges equally on sound foreign policy and domestic cohesion.
Yet this is assured only if all reconstruction-minded parties stand united upon the bedrock of the Constitution and defend it against every unlawful assault, from whichever quarter it may arise. The radical elements must be cast out through these upcoming elections.
Is it not a disgrace that the Reichstag requires police protection merely to convene, while extremists of left and right clasp hands to sabotage its proceedings? If the German people are to regain internal vigor and preserve the newfound esteem won abroad, the Government must be able to rely on an unshakable parliamentary majority.
The splintering of parties in the last elections stands as a barrier to this. Nearly a million votes cast on May 4th were squandered. Salvation lies not in division but in striving for unity and the common good. May these principles guide the German people as they chart their destiny in the coming ballot!”
This document is profoundly peculiar. The truth is, the deputies belonging to the Communists (KPD) and the Völkisch Bloc—the German-Völkisch Freedom Party (DVFP), the German Social Party (DSP), and the National Socialists (NSFP)—amounted to 98, a mere fifth of the Reichstag. Consequently, had the remaining parties united, they would have commanded a majority exceeding two-thirds.
Yet neither the Social Democrats (SPD) nor the Democrats (DDP) were willing to join forces with the German Nationalists (DNVP), despite the latter’s blatant subservience to Jewish interests they had demonstrated by accepting the Dawes Plan. Additionally, the Democrats (DDP) prevented the formation of a so-called Bürger Bloc, a bourgeois coalition.
What the deeper cause was—whether the old aversion of the democratic and republican Left toward the purportedly aristocratic and monarchist Right, or mere bread-envy—history will judge. What remains undeniable, under all circumstances, is the government’s perfidy. Thus, in the proclamation, that fine phrase about the disgrace— “that the Reichstag requires police protection merely to convene, while extremists of left and right clasp hands to sabotage its proceedings” —is thrust forward.
Yet, to my knowledge, the National Socialist Freedom Party (NSFP), that Völkisch Bloc, has engaged in no sabotage; nor is it a right-wing party. This is nothing other than a government lie, devised to cast suspicion upon the most dangerous enemy—or, as one might say, upon the very finest representatives of Germanness—and thereby deflect blame from its own guilt!
One scarcely needs to waste a word on the flattery heaped upon the Policy of Fulfillment: the so-called "visible success" will evaporate into thin air once the heavy sacrifices imposed by the London Agreement come due. Every reasonable German knows that today’s illusory "calm" is nothing more than a stay of execution.
Yet the German people have once again allowed themselves to be fooled, and the recent elections have strengthened the centrist parties—from the Social Democrats (SPD), through the Catholic Centre Party (Zentrum) and the Democrats (DDP), to the German People’s Party (DVP). We National Socialists harbor no regrets, for the inevitable collapse of the Jew-parties must precede our constructive work. To that end, they must remain at the helm a while longer.
Today, labeling the German Republic a Jew Republic is deemed libelous and punished as such. The Court for the Protection of the Republic, established by the ostensibly liberal parties, has upheld its mandate faithfully. While one might grant that many in the ruling class remain oblivious to their subservience to Jewry, the fact of Jewish domination in the German Reich is undeniable—a truth that becomes glaringly evident to anyone scrutinizing the parties, their leaders, or their press, even superficially.
The fact that German Social Democracy (SPD) is a Jewish creation and has always remained under Jewish leadership is, so to speak, inscribed in world history, and for those German workers who still imagine they can deny it, we can muster only a faint pity.
The Democrats (DDP), of course, have always been the most distinctly Jewish party, and it amuses us greatly when a modern epigrammatist derides:
“The Democratic Party’s snare
Every good German must eschew,
But he who steps into their lair
Should at least consent to circumcision, too.”
The reason the Catholic Centre Party (Zentrum), though not Jewish itself, became decidedly pro-Jewish is easily understood: During and after the collapse of the Protestant German Empire, it needed an ally to withstand the surging nationalist tide—a role fulfilled by Jewry, which likewise feared that wave. Though aversion to Jews runs deep among German Catholicism (Austria's Christian Social Party platform was explicitly committed to antisemitism), figures like Cardinal Faulhaber and the (later) Reich Chancellor Marx condemned antisemitism. They framed this, naturally, in the language of Christian Charity—a compassion extended to International Jews but denied the ethnic blood-comrade.
As for the German People’s Party’s (DDP) stance toward Jewry, Stresemann's name alone reveals its Judaic alignment. The man now borders on absurdity: It is laughable when he claims that “economics alone has never decided a nation’s fate,” insisting instead that “destiny is shaped by devotion to great ideas and ideals.” Presumably, his great idea and ideal is world where every German marries a Jewess—thereby resolving all strife and allowing us to thrive in league with World Jewry.