Adolf Bartels: National Socialism, Germany's Salvation - Part 4
Original Translation of "Der Nationalsozialismus: Deutschlands Rettung"
Source Documents: German Scan | German Corrected
Part 4:
Uniting National and Social Ideals
Critique of Misguided Social Movements
Emergence of National Socialism
However, it also cannot be denied that these social movements allowed the old sentimental humanitarianism to resurface in new guises. Moreover, despite nationalistic posturing, the perennial cosmopolitanism—for the social question is inherently international—reasserted itself. A homogenized European culture of peace emerged, democratic in spirit with aesthetic and educational aspirations. Above all, the Jews found particular delight in this vision.
One must acknowledge that these arguments stem from clear insight: Already, even the swelling post-World War modern pacifism bears these distinguishing marks. Following the publication of History of German Literature, I went on to develop my national and social ideas further in a series of essays later collected under the title Race and National Character1. For instance, the 1906 essay The Great Divide2 declares:
“Without a doubt, we Germans must—and shall—reunite. If the fathers falter, the sons will prevail. We must, and we shall, act in a spirit both authentically national and social: a spirit that sees every honorable German as a brother, that sweeps away the false hierarchy of caste yet equally spurns the misguided dream of international fraternity—a dream that strangles all that is distinctive and elevates the basest elements. Not equality of condition, but equality of purpose: each fulfilling their calling, every class a pillar of our national character. In that character lies the greatest freedom for development, and thus the richest diversity. These are the ideals we nationalists uphold. History and German nature stand with us.”
And in my work Contemporary German Literature3, penned in 1909, I declared:
“The Social and National movements are not inherently adversarial. Why else strive to uplift the lower classes, if not to grant each soul the fullest measure of freedom to flourish? And what else is that freedom for, if not to enable each person to become the fullest human expression of their nation and race?
No man can shed his own skin; every culture of worth has been national. Thus, the work of social betterment must serve the Nation’s Volk—else it is aimless, a fool’s errand of human happiness-sowing4 that reaps only sorrow. Sadly, the raising of the material condition of the lower classes has not gone hand in hand with a German rebirth. Quite the contrary: the people have been stripped of spiritual and intellectual heritage while offering meager replacements—the paltry fare of shallow freethinking and art-as-indulgence5 scarcely merits esteem.
And so, the task for the coming generation emerges clear and true: to imbue social striving with a national soul; to restore the deeply shaken strength of German nationhood; to bring forth again the treasures that lie dormant within it—and to wield them in the construction of a culture wholly rooted in our Volk.”
It cannot be denied that the views expressed here are indeed National Socialist in character. However, like the misguided hope that the World War would be the salvation of the German people, the Social consciousness of the 1890s was not widely adopted.
Instead, the new National Socialist movement emerged independently, rising, as noted, from the very heart of the common people. In his book National Socialism6, engineer Jung7 recounts:
“Even during the war, a workers’ association formed in Munich under the inspiration of toolmaker Anton Drexler, dedicated to combatting the exploitation of the populace by war profiteering syndicates and other usurious forces. After the collapse, it expanded its program to include opposition to Marxist deception of the people.”
Drexler documented his own ideological evolution in My Political Awakening: From the Diary of a German Socialist Worker8. On January 5, 1919, the National Socialist German Workers’ Party was founded in Munich. I have in my possession a pamphlet titled Political Awakening, issued by the party, in which Drexler articulates his vision:
“Many of our leaders,”
the pamphlet declares,
“are undoubtedly honest men who desire nothing but the best for the worker. Yet there are also a considerable number who serve foreign interests. They have weaponized the labor movement to advance narrow, self-serving agendas, transforming workers' organizations into a protective militia9 for unproductive stock exchange and credit capitalism10.”
Drexler further asserts that Germany bears no culpability for the World War and that it was the utmost folly to surrender, defenseless and disarmed, to its enemies.
“The Revolution brought the working class no liberty—nor would a second revolution succeed unless it confronts the powerful economic forces, the financial imperialists who alone have reaped the rewards of recent wars and revolutions. These banking and market titans remain unscathed, for they have embedded well-paid agents within the workers’ movement itself.”
The conviction crystallizes with mounting clarity: the Jew is the enemy.
“The great capitalist Jew perpetually poses as our friend and benefactor; yet he does so only to yoke us to his triumphal chariot. We, the trusting workers, are expected to assist him in erecting the global dominion of Jewry … Comrades, do you wish to become slaves11 to the Jews? Join us in shattering at last the religious delusion [of being God's chosen people] harbored by this megalomaniacal race—a people who have never toiled and who despise all honest manual labor.”
Then Drexler sets forth the ideas that mark the departure from Social Democratic class obsession12 and the turn toward authentic National Socialism:
“Let us guard against false pride! We workers carry on as though culture were wrought by our manual labor alone. Is that so? Have not mighty intellectual forces played their part—the scholar, the inventor, the artist, the researcher, the technician? Are not the middle classes—the burgher and the peasant—also productive? Must they not, too, sustain themselves by the toil of their hands and minds? Do they not groan under high finance's yoke as we do?
Why not embrace the principle 'live and let live'13 for every compatriot—even the bourgeois? Would it not be wiser to extend our hand to them and, together, confront the common foe? Alone, we workers will never muster a force mighty enough to overthrow global capitalism; but allied with the productive bourgeoisie, none will be able to withstand us. Then, across all nations, we shall form an overwhelming majority against vampiric finance14. This is the arch-deception of capitalism's international overlords—to eternally pit worker against burgher, rendering both powerless.”
And so, the truth had dawned.15
Original Title: „Rasse und Volkstum“
Original Title: „Der große Riß“ („Rasse und Volkstum“, Essay 13, p101)
Original Title: „Deutsche Dichtung der Gegenwart“
Menschenbeglückerei
Freidenkerei and Kunsterziehung
Rudolf Jung (1882-1945), German Bohemian National Socialist
Schutztruppe
Unproduktiven Börsen- und Leihkapitalismus
Judenknechte
Klassenwahn
Leben und leben lassen
Wucherkapitalismus
Es hatte getagt